Will Theresa May’s Government bury Brexit?

English freedom is at stake as Britain carves out its path to independence from the European Union, undermined by political leaders who have forgotten what it is like to live in an sovereign nation.

Will Theresa May’s Government bury Brexit?

By David Semple


Britain and Europe

There is a spectre haunting Europe. The spectre of Brexit.

Historically, the role of English and British governments has been to maintain the balance of power in Europe, in order to defend smaller nations from foreign domination.

Modern freedom and democracy emanates from 17th century England and not from any country in Europe. In earlier centuries, England had come under the domination of Rome, first under its empire and then under its church. During the Plantagenet Age, England was part of the continental feudal system run at the behest of the Catholic Church in Rome. The Anglo-French Plantagenets were succeeded by a Welshman named Henry Tudor, who finally brought peace to the English nation and ended centuries of continental wars and English civil wars.

European Feudalism came to an end in England, followed by the demise of five centuries of Papal domination when Henry Tudor’s son, King Henry the Eighth, declared himself to be the head of the Church of England on February 11th 1531.

The march towards the establishment of English liberty began with the Magna Carta in 1215. The English Civil War was the turning point, at which an English Republic, called the Commonwealth, was established. Although Oliver Cromwell disposed of the divine right of kings, the parliament recalled the monarchy in 1660.

Ever since, the protection of the liberties of the nation have been vested in the Westminster Parliament. The Glorious Revolution of 1688, together with the Bill of Rights, put England at the forefront of the struggle for freedom and liberty throughout the world.

By contrast, continental Europe has given the world feudalism, the Spanish Inquisition, antisemitism, communism, Nazism, the Holocaust and fascist corporatism. Each of these ideologies subverts the rights of the individual in favour of a higher authority or ideology.

Karl Marx, Kaiser Wilhelm, Vladimir Lenin, Alfred Rosenberg (an influential ideologue of the Nazi Party), Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini and Joseph Stalin, in addition to their acolytes and followers, are responsible for the most terrible crimes against humanity, including the mass murder of almost one hundred and fifty million people across the globe. Such was Europe’s gift to the world during the 20th century.
Nazism and communism failed, primarily because of the leadership of several great statesmen of the democratic age, most notably Winston Churchill, Franklin Roosevelt, Harry Truman, John F Kennedy, Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.

Churchill was correct in June 1940 when he predicted that the rise of Nazism in Europe would be accompanied by “a new Dark Age made more sinister, and perhaps more protracted, by the lights of perverted science.”

That new Dark Age to which Churchill referred started with the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917, and only ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. But even with the collapse of Sovietism, Europe remains overshadowed by Marxism, antisemitism, the Far Right and Islamism.

To make matters worse, the New World Order of peace and co-operation to which President George W H Bush referred in 1990 has failed to bring democracy and freedom to the nations of the Arab Middle East and Africa.

Instead, there has been a regression, with the erosion of freedoms brought on by soulless superstructures such as the European Union, which is fast becoming the first post-Cold War failure in building a model for global governance.


United Europe

After the end of the Second World War, Winston Churchill called for the creation of a “United States of Europe.” He did not intend that Britain should be a part of this new Europe, yet he thought that Britain should support it.

After the signing of the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which created the supranational European Economic Community, with its goal being the evolution of an “ever closer union,” Britain formed an alternative European Free Trade Association under prime minister Harold Macmillan. However, Macmillan lost confidence in post-imperial Britain and later tried to join the EEC.

The Commonwealth nations, with which Britain conducted most of its trade, raised objections and French president Charles de Gaulle correctly came to the conclusion that Britain would not fit comfortably into the EEC, largely due to its special relationship with the United States.

There were two French vetoes of British applications to join the EEC before Conservative prime minister Edward Heath signed the Treaty of Rome in 1973. This was a very controversial decision that did not have the full support of the British people, yet had the democratic consent of the UK parliament.

Since 1973, Britain’s relationship with the EEC and the European Union has been stormy to say the least. Only two prime ministers were convinced Europeans: Edward Heath and Tony Blair. The rest have been Eurosceptic at best. It took Margaret Thatcher almost ten years before she declared her rejection of the supranational institutions of the EU, after which she was removed from power by Heathites.

John Major, Gordon Brown and David Cameron also tried and failed to carve out a role for Britain outside the “ever closer union” as part of a two-tier Europe. This, however, amounted to wishful thinking on the part of British leaders. Even though Britain is not a member of the eurozone, it is impossible to have true independence from the supranational law of the EU.

During the Cold War, Britain played a decisive role in the creation of the European Single Market. Then in 1991, the Soviet Union came crashing down almost two years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Communism was finally consigned to the scrap heap of history in Russia and eastern Europe.

In western Europe, however, creeping socialism began to take possession of America’s NATO allies through the growing power of the executive branches of the European Union, following the reunification of Germany.

Within twenty years, the new bureaucratic Europe began to resemble a “soft” communistic version of the former Marxist superpower.

In an attempt to offset the power of Brussels, British officials encouraged the former Soviet Bloc states to become members of the EU. However, by the close of the last decade, Germany clearly dominated Europe, both financially and politically.

There was now no longer any way in which Britain could maintain the balance of power in Europe, with the rise of German political and economic power, and the relative decline of French influence after the reunification of Germany.



Ironically, it was the Conservative Party, the party of empire and the United Kingdom, that was at the heart of Britain’s integration with the European Union. Harold Macmillan, Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher played the key roles in Britain’s integration with the Union.

Although Labour’s Harold Wilson tried to get Britain into the EEC, he opposed Heath’s European Communities Act in 1972 from the opposition benches. And Labour’s Hugh Gaitskell opposed Macmillan’s bid to join the EEC, calling it “the end of a thousand years of history.”

In the 1970s, Labour was more divided on Europe than the Conservative Party. The former Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer, Roy Jenkins, headed a rump of Labour Europhile MPs to support Heath’s European policy, while the bulk of the Labour MPs voted against it.

Thus, when Wilson found himself back in government again two years later, he decided to renegotiate the terms of British membership, then called a referendum on the EEC, solely for the purpose of reuniting the Labour Party.

It worked. Wilson supported EEC membership in the June 1975 referendum, campaigning on the same side as his rivals, Margaret Thatcher and Edward Heath. Wilson and Thatcher lied to the British public about the true nature of the Treaty of Rome, which was an agreement to form a political union, not a free trade zone.

Thus, Britons voted to support continued membership of the EEC in June 1975 based upon their understanding that Britain had joined a free trade zone and not a political treaty to create an “ever closer union.”

Just as Harold Wilson held a referendum to unite his party in 1975, so David Cameron called the referendum on EU membership to keep his party united which was as divided on the issue of Europe as Labour had been in the 1970s.

David Cameron was a Eurosceptic when he was elected leader of the party. Then he changed his mind. His pre-referendum renegotiations in 2016 were as unconvincing as the renegotiations carried out by Harold Wilson in 1975.

There is a moment in every prime minister’s career when the politics of principle turn to the politics of deception and lies. This is what happened to Mr Cameron last year. He did not even make a serious effort to change Britain’s relationship with the EU. He came back from Brussels and pretended he had made substantial changes, including the exclusion of Britain from “ever closer union.”

This, of course, was not true. The renegotiation exercise was smoke and mirrors. Nobody believed Mr Cameron when he said that if Britain had not already been a member of the EU, he would gladly join on the new terms he had negotiated.

The truth is that Mr Cameron had become a convinced European, committed to the EU’s existing political institutions, to its expansion and to the inclusion of Turkey. That’s why he lost the referendum campaign. The public no longer believed him. He found himself selling the same old used car that Wilson and Heath had flogged before.

Despite having the support of the British establishment and global financial institutions, Mr Cameron could not convince the majority of British voters that remaining inside the European Union would restore the political sovereignty of Westminster and stop uncontrolled immigration, which is now rapidly changing the cultural face of the nation.

David Cameron’s political career ended in failure. Everything he hoped to achieve failed. He resigned on the morning the referendum result was announced, on June 24 2016.

The European Union is headed in the wrong direction. The migrant crisis is causing a revival of Far Right parties across the continent, raising xenophobic fears of mass immigration that can only lead to more racism.

German domination may eventually become overbearing for the rest of Europe. Germany has overplayed its hand in the political machinations of the European Union and this will only cause other countries to follow Britain’s Brexit example.


Theresa May’s Brexit Disaster

Theresa May was the wrong person to take over the reigns of power from David Cameron. She is a Remainer taking charge of a government committed by its election manifesto to carry out the will of the people, which is to leave the European Union. Mrs May is therefore not going to negotiate a Brexit arrangement which completely eliminates the power of the EU over Westminster. She has therefore done more to put Brexit into the long grass. When she says “Brexit means Brexit” she is lying. She went out of her way to delay the parliamentary vote on triggering Article 50 for over half a year.

Theresa May is an indecisive and cautious prime minister at a time when Britain needs dynamic and visionary leadership. Britain today needs a leader like David Lloyd George or William Pitt the Younger, both of whom offered a bold new vision of Britain’s place in the world and looked after British interests first. Mrs May is a second rate version of Neville Chamberlain, just as David Cameron was a second rate Stanley Baldwin. Baldwin and Chamberlain were the standard-bearers of Britain’s decline between the two world wars, which left the nation so vulnerable to defeat by Nazi Germany in 1939-1941.

Theresa May called the disastrous June 2017 general election in order the strengthen the Remainers within the party and undermine the Eurosceptics on the back benches, people like Jacob Rees-Mogg. Remember, she was the party chairman who treacherously called the Conservatives “the nasty party”. Mrs May has now delivered an election result which is undermining Brexit. She has re-ignited the passions of the Remainers, determined to put an end to Brexit. The ghosts of New Labour and the Heathites within the Tory ranks are mounting a campaign to destroy Brexit. Tony Blair, Michael Heseltine and Kenneth Clarke may speak for Germany, but they do not speak for England.

The European Union does not want any country to leave its empire of bureaucracy. The Eurocrats have done their best to rape the resources of EU member states, determined to exercise power for the sake of power. Meanwhile, Angela Merkel is trying her best to undermine the national identity of her own people by replacing the European population with immigrants who refuse to take on a Western identity.

David Davis’ negotiations with the EU are not going well. Britain has already agreed to extend the period of open borders for three years after so-called Brexit to pacify the Eurocrats, who want to continue to send their growing population of unemployed citizens to Britain just to relieve social pressures on the continent. This is called the Hammond-Rudd initiative. Phillip Hammond and Amber Rudd campaigned to remain inside the EU so it is obvious that they will do everything in their power to weaken Brexit and support the power of Brussels and Germany.

Liam Fox, the Trade Secretary, insists that Britain is leaving Europe at the end of March 2019. With the right of Europeans to move to the UK for an extended period of three years already conceded at this early stage in the negotiations, what confidence can the British public have that, by the time these negotiations are finished, Britain will be truly independent? Ministers in Mrs May’s government must speak for the voice of a sovereign and free Britain. Instead, the public is witnessing a weak Conservative government caving in to pressures from Remainers at home and Eurocrats abroad. This weakness starts at the very top. The authority of Theresa May, who campaigned for remaining in the EU, is collapsing right in front of our very eyes.

Europe is no longer the centre of Britain’s world. From 1914 to 2017, we saw a century of Eurocentric British foreign policy which arose entirely out of the German problem on the continent. Two world wars destroyed the old Europe, yet the German problem is still with us. Germany dominates the continent of Europe as it has never done before. Britain’s efforts to stop German hegemony in Europe led to the destruction of the British Empire and practically bankrupt the nation in the 1940s. The Europeans must sort out their own German problem. Britain no longer has the power to save the Europeans from themselves. Now that we have nuclear weapons we are no longer vulnerable to continental tyrants. We must now make our formal break with Europe and look out to the wider world. These islands have always looked outwards. In order to guarantee that this world is open to freedom of the seas, Britain’s role in NATO is the most important role we play in the early years of the 21st Century.

If Brexit succeeds there is every chance that other nations will follow our lead and leave the European Union. It was Britain’s strategy to expand the EU in order to dilute the power of Germany and Brussels. This failed miserably. With the creation of the Euro, Germany destroyed the economic independence of the people of southern Europe. Mrs Merkel’s Germany has done more damage to Europe than any nation since the end of World War ll. Brexit, however, will represent the first victory in the campaign to stop the creation of a new tyranny on the continent of Europe with ‘ever closer union’. Like Dunkirk, Brexit is a retreat from Europe. But Brexit represent the first defeat of Germany’s expansion of power across Europe and into Asia. German power today, exercised through the European Union, is as much a threat to human freedom as the Soviet Union was between 1917 and 1991. You only have to look at the contempt with which Mrs Merkel is treating the German people today to see that democracy has been undermined by executive power in Berlin.

There is a spectre haunting the Eurocrats in Brussels and Berlin, the spectre of freedom and sovereign independence which Brexit may bring to the nations of Europe. Former Soviet premier Nikita Khruschev once said “We will bury you” to a reception of Western ambassadors in Poland. Long may the spectre of liberty haunt those who wish to bury it.

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